Categories
Neo-colonialism Russia U.S.

The U.S. has treated Ukraine – and Putin – kinda like it treats Black people

I’ve learned to always be skeptical of stories that are too black and white – especially ones with good guys and bad guys – told by the “good guys”. As I suspected that the Ukraine/Russia story we’re getting from most mainstream media is such a story, I asked my African history teacher if he could point me to some sources that could give me a broader perspective on the conflict. He pointed me to Black Agenda Report which provides “news, commentary and analysis from the black left” where I quickly found what I was looking for: Bryce Greene’s article What You Should Really Know About Ukraine.

The article started by describing the official line being parroted by most mainstream media: “Russia is challenging NATO and the “international rules-based [and democratic] order” by threatening to invade Ukraine, and the Biden administration needed to deter Russia by providing more security guarantees to [Ukraine]. The official account seizes on Russia’s 2014 annexation of Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula as a starting point for US/Russian relations, and as evidence of Putin’s goals of rebuilding Russia’s long-lost empire.” Greene then provides the all important context, including U.S. involvement in the 2014 coup that toppled Ukraine’s democratically president Viktor Yanukovych, involvement that would have had to have the approval of U.S. president Barack Obama.

Greene explains U.S. efforts, prior to the coup, “to open Ukrainian markets to foreign investors and give control of its economy to giant multinational corporations.” The main tool for this was the International Monetary Fund, which loans countries money in exchange for them adopting policies friendly to foreign investors. “The IMF is funded by and represents Western financial capital and governments and has been at the forefront of efforts to reshape economies around the world for decades, often with disastrous results. The civil war in Yemen and the coup in Bolivia both followed a rejection of IMF terms”, Greene writes. In Ukraine, the IMF had long planned to implement a series of economic reforms  to make the country more attractive to investors. “These included cutting wage controls (i.e., lowering wages), “reform[ing] and reduc[ing]” health and education sectors…and cutting natural gas subsidies to Ukrainian citizens that made energy affordable to the general public. In 2013, after early steps to integrate with the West, Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych turned against these changes and ended trade integration talks with the European Union. Months before his overthrow, he restarted economic negotiations with Russia, in a major snub to the Western economic sphere.”

Greene details how, after Yanukovych started talking with the Russians, the U.S. supported his opponents, including far-right and openly Nazi groups, and fueled anti-government sentiment that led to the coup which removed him. Greene then explains why Putin annexed Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula.

From Russia’s point of view, the 2014 coup meant a longtime adversary had successfully overthrown a neighboring government using violent far-right extremists – and those extremists now controlled Crimea. Greene explained that, “the Crimean peninsula, which was part of Russia until it was transferred to the Ukrainian Soviet Republic in 1954, is home to one of two Russian naval bases with access to the Black and Mediterranean seas, one of history’s most important maritime theaters. A Crimea controlled by a US-backed Ukrainian government was a major threat to Russian naval access.” So Putin took over Crimea but hadn’t advanced any further – until now.

Greene argues that the change was due to the U.S.’s continued efforts to get Ukraine to join the North American Treaty Organization (NATO), “an explicitly anti-Russian military alliance”. Greene poses the question, “Imagine for one second how the US would behave if Putin began trying to add a US neighbor [like Mexico for example] to a hostile military alliance after helping to overthrow its government…” The answer is clear.

What is also clear are the parallels between the U.S. treatment of Putin and how various levels of the U.S. state have historically treated Black people in U.S. and Africa.

The U.S. has been involved in coups that led to the removal of African leaders that chose polices favoring their countries’ people over Western interests. This included Ghana’s democratically elected president Kwame Nkrumah, and Burkina Faso’s Thomas Sankara and the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s Patrice Lumumba. The U.S. and Canada were also involved in the removal of Haiti’s democratically elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

As the full context shows Putin defending against American economic and military aggression, the U.S. labelling him as the aggressor is an example of the U.S. government using a central technique of systemic anti-Black racism (although, in this case, against a white guy): labelling Black people who defend themselves from systemic discrimination by calling it out, as aggressive. The label is almost always accompanied by half truths about all bad things the accused Black people have done. The subtext of these claims is that the Black folks are the bad guys and the people whose discriminatory behaviour they’re calling out are the good guys.

The U.S. is doing the same thing by labelling Putin as the aggressor who wants to expand his “dictatorial” control while portraying itself as protectors of democracy.

The reality is that the only place Putin took over since coming to power is Crimea. However, while Putin has been in power, U.S.-initiated attacks have included Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya. As for the U.S. – nothing is more anti-democratic than helping overthrow democratically elected leaders which the U.S. has a long history of doing.

The U.S. also has a long history of using black and white narratives to label itself the angel of democracy defending the world against the world’s devilish strong men. From Saddam Hussein to former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi to Putin, the U.S. has used the narrative to obscure its own role, driven by its expansionist economic interests, in helping create and empower such men. (In Gaddafi’s case, the narrative leaves out the truth about how he improved the lives of many Libyans by nationalizing the oil industry and using the increasing state revenues to implement social programs emphasizing house-building, healthcare and education projects.)

It’s important to understand the full complexity of history to inform our actions today. As the U.S. is, as Barack Obama said in his November 2020 book A Promised Land, the only remaining superpower, it’s particularly important to understand what it’s doing in general – and to Black people in particular – now…and what it might do in the future.

Note: Obama mentioned nothing about the 2014 removal of Ukraine’s democratically elected president Viktor Yanukovych in his book A Promised Land even though Obama met with Arseniy Yatsenyu – who the U.S. were caught on tape choosing to replace Yanukovych – less than two weeks after Yatsenyu became Ukraine’s prime minister.

Categories
Africa Cooperation Neo-colonialism

Black to Africa

I recently returned from a trip to Ghana with my wife and two sons, aged 20 and 17. We went for a wedding and visited Accra and Kumasi (where the wedding was held). While there, I experienced things that showed me why Blacktivism is important and the links between the continent’s history and our current advocacy work.

On our 2nd day we visited Elmina Castle. The castle was used by various European countries to hold enslaved Africans before they were shipped to the slave plantations to be worked to death or worse. I stood with my sons in the men’s slave dungeon. The dungeon is about half the size of a high school classroom. It has a hard mud floor, stone block walls and one small hole for ventilation and sunlight about 20 feet up. 200 men were kept there, sometimes for months, in their own waste that often rose to just below their knees. Standing there, I found myself thinking of the Ottawa Police Service whose budget we’re campaigning to freeze. Specifically, I was thinking about two key similarities between the OPS and the slave traders. The first is the immense power the slavers had to control Black people and do things that lead to them being harmed and killed. And the second is that the main reason they did it was economic.

The OPS gets millions of dollars each year from which it pays its officers starting salaries of over $60,000. The over policing of Black and Indigenous people directly contributes to generating the data the OPS uses to justify yearly budget increases. The OPS is making money – and lots of it – just like the slave catchers did.

Shortly after returning from Ghana, I spoke at an Ottawa Police Services Board meeting and said the previous two paragraphs word-for-word. The Board then approved an $11 million dollar increase to the police budget to bring it to a total of $386 million.

The day after visiting Elmina, I met with environmental activist Patricia Bekoe of 350 Ghana Reducing Our Carbon. She and her GROC colleagues face at least two major challenges. One is the emissions from thousands of cars and trucks snarled in endless bumper to bumper traffic in the capital Accra and Kumasi to the north. One Uber driver I asked said their vehicles didn’t have to pass emissions tests to get registered and the trucks spewing black smoke seemed to confirm this. The second challenge GROC faces is an oil industry that’s been active since the 1970s. One story from our trip suggests at least one foreign oil company operating in Ghana hasn’t been a great friend of environmentalists, or the environment.

Texas-based Kosmos Energy discovered oil in Ghana in 2007. In 2009, the company spilled around 700 barrels of a toxic substance into the Ghanaian sea and was fined $35 million USD by the Ghanaian Environmental Protection Agency – but refused to pay. I learned about Kosmos because I met a brother who works at Accra’s Kosmos Innovation Centre that Kosmos funds. The Centre helps Ghanaians start businesses, mostly in the agricultural sector. That’s good. Not paying for the oil they spilled isn’t…

Ghana isn’t the only West African nation to suffer environmental damage from oil companies or to have activists or the government trying to hold companies accountable for such damage. I asked sister Bekoe if she and her colleagues faced dangers like Nigerian activists such as Ken Saro-Wiwa.

Initially as spokesperson, and then as president, of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), Saro-Wiwa led a nonviolent campaign against environmental degradation of the land and waters of Ogoniland in Southern Nigeria by multinational oil companies, especially Royal Dutch Shell. At the peak of his non-violent campaign, he was tried by a special military tribunal for allegedly masterminding the gruesome murder of Ogoni chiefs at a pro-government meeting, and hanged in 1995 by the military dictatorship.

Happily, sister Bekoe said she and her colleagues don’t face such violent opposition. This is good because Ghanaians have recently become more vocal with demands for the government to address growing inequity in the country. The grassroots #FixTheCountry campaign recently saw Ghanaians take to social media and the streets. On August 4, Al Jazeera reported that several thousand protesters marched in Accra in the latest rally against President Akufo-Addo’s government. The story said the protest aimed to demand accountability, good governance, and better living conditions from the government.

Frankly, I’m surprised we didn’t see signs saying #FixTheRoads as the horrible conditions of many roads was one of the clearest signs that any tax money the government is getting isn’t being used to fix the roads.

One very visible sign of the inequity in the country was the many places that were surrounded by high walls topped with barbed wire, including both our Accra AirBnB and our Kumasi hotel (both also had 24/7 guards). One of the marketing features of our Accra AirBnB was that it was attached to a small grocery store you could access from within the compound so you didn’t have to go outside security. Another very visible – and disturbing – sign of the inequity were pre-teen Muslim girls, wearing white hijabs, begging for money at intersections. One Uber drive said the girls were brought in from Niger by people who take a cut of what they make.

Another less visible equity indicator was who owned large businesses like malls and the grocery stores in them. I asked who owned Accra’s Marina Mall and Kumasi City Mall. An Uber driver told me what I was expecting to hear: Marina Mall’s owners weren’t Black Ghanaians. In fact, he said they weren’t Ghanaian at all, they were Lebanese. However, a little of bit of Googling led to a surprise: the mall is actually owned by the Nigerian-based Marina Group whose chairman is Dr. Amerie Agunwah below.

I failed to definitely confirm the owners of Kumasi City Mall except that it’s owned by Delico Kumasi Limited which is subsidiary buried under other subsidiaries that include AttAfrica, Mauritius that’s led by two white dudes, Renier Vans Rensburg and Wynand Baard.

The main grocery store in both malls is Shoprite, a large chain throughout Africa whose majority owner is South African billionaire, Christo Wiese.

Not all the oil companies are foreign-owned like Kosmos. We also saw many GOIL gas stations. According to Wikipedia, GOIL, the Ghana Oil Company, “is a state-owned Ghanaian oil and gas marketing company, formed on 14 June 1960. Currently it holds the place of Ghana’s top oil marketing company, and is the only indigenous owned petroleum marketing company in Ghana.”

The air conditioned malls packed with tech stores, seemed a world away from the many people selling along the roads that lead to them…

Kumasi City Mall
Kumasi street market life…

Some of those wanting to #FixTheCounty would perhaps see the malls as example of what’s wrong. However, according to one Uber driver with whom I had a wide ranging conversation, not everybody even cared about fixing the country. He said many Ghanaians, including most young kids, dream of leaving it to go to the U.S.. This is partly because the idealized myth of America the Great seemed alive and well in Accra and Kumasi.

My chat with the Uber driver, who said his name was Bismarck, started after I asked him why he had an American flag next to his Ghanaian one on his dash. He said it was because he loved America, especially their technology. Interestingly, the technology he mentioned was their military. Later in our chat, he said, “But they have one problem. They hate Black people. They only like Black people when they need them.” (Another Uber driver I spoke to expressed similar love for Canada which I suggested he might want to temper given Canada’s role in the violent coup that deposed Ghana’s democratically elected president Kwame Nkrumah in 1966.)

When I mentioned to a fellow Canadian Blacktivist the love for America and Canada some Ghanaians had expressed, his response was essentially, “Of course they love the places that have lots of good stuff built from stolen wealth.” As my boys and I paid our respect at the feet (literally) of the grandfather of all uppity negroes, Kwame Nkrumah, I wondered what he’d think of the state of the country he helped lead to independence.

One last point before I wrap up….We saw very few white people in Ghana. The most was 3 or 4 together, all men, at the Ghana Premier League football game we attended, sitting in the most expensive section and on the Africa World Airways flight to Kumasi. (Children seemed to confirm the rare sightings of white folks by happily yelling “Oboroni!”, the Fante word for white person, at me on my morning walks as I happily waved back to their great amusement.)

I left Ghana with a better appreciation of the challenges facing Blacktivists in the diaspora and on the continent in working together to regain control of the vast resources in the ground, and in the people, of the continent. Given how the global pandemic has redefined what’s normal, young Blacktivists working with older folks who are committed to fundamental change – and have a long view of how to make it – have the opportunity to make Africa a global economic powerhouse that shares its wealth with all people.